Saturday, January 19, 2013

E.F. Benson's autobio: Final Edition



IT was a great honour and something of an adventure
to be asked
to stay with Henry James in this house at
R
ye which he had lately bought. He was an old friend
of my family, and we were on terms of familiar adora-
tion with the entrancing folk of his earlier novels,
Roderick Hudson and Christina Light, Gilbert Os-
borne
and Isabel and Daisy Miller and the rest, but we
could not all follow him when he declared to my
mother th
at his work of this period was "subaqueous,"
and that he had now got his head above water. Some of
u
s-I refuse to damn myself directly-would have liked
him to h
ave continued amphibious, at any rate, for
ever
. Six or seven years before he had consented to
read through in manuscript my earliest effort in au-
thorship, and it still appals me to remember that it was
not even typed when submitted to him
. He was cer-
t
ainly appalled also, for he wrote acknowledging the
safe receipt of a sheaf of i'll-written text, saying that he
had not realised that it was so substantial a work. I
won
der how far he penetrated into it: not far, I hope,
for a comp
aratively small section, deciphered with dif-
ficulty, must have convinced him that Dodo was not a
work about which it was possible for him to be en-
couraging. He wrote me two or three long and kindly
a
nd brilliantly evasive letters about it. He called it
"lively," he called himself "corrosively critical" though
he m
ade no criticism, except that he did not find it as
"ferociously literary" as his taste demanded. "Hew out
a style," he said; "it is by style we are saved," and I
d
rew the obvious conclusion.
He disappeared next morning after a preoccupied
br
eakfast to a room built in the time of George II,
which stood in the garden, close to the house and at
ri
ght-angles to it up a flight of eight stone steps. The
bow-window on the north looked straight down the
co
bbled West Street. On the left was the front of the
hou
se, and just below this window the street made a
sh
arp turn to the right, and at the end of it was the dis-
u
sed churchyard above which rose the west front of
the church. When Henry James had withdrawn himself
h
ere for his morning's work, none might disturb him,
and as lunch time approached one sat in the garden by
the steps w
aiting for him to emerge, and could hear his
voice boomin
g and pausing and booming again, as he
moved up and down the b
ook-lined room dictating the
novel on which he was at work to his typist. The clack-
ing of the keys of her machine formed a sort of cas-
ten
et accompaniment. Such now was his mode of com-
position: h
e made elaborate notes of the course of his
story and "with these in his hand he spoke his pages. To
use his own metaphor his book when thus fully planned
w
as like a portmanteau which he had packed so tightly
that
, when he closed it, he heard it "beautifully creak-
ing": now he had only to open it and, in this dicta-
tion, take out and unfold its contents.
This habit of viva voce composition impressed itself
on his talk, giving it an incomparable richness. On i
ran, as when he was dictating in the garden-room, in
decorated periods with cursive corrections till he found
the exact word and the perfect phra
se. The effect
was that of
a tapestry of speech being audibly designed
and execut
ed. He worked a panel of this for me one
morning when he came out of his shrine an hour be-
fore the usual time, and
, with splendid parentheses
and side-li
ghts explained to me that the book on which
he was eng
aged (it must have been The Wings of a
Dove) was finished. But I have already exhibited that
piece som
ewhere, and I have a more sumptuous ex-
a
mple which my brother Arthur entered in his diary.
He wrote it down immed
iately after it was delivered,
and it is certainly the best record of Henry James's
unique utterance. The subject was the work of the
novelist Mrs. Oliphant
, then lately deceased:

I had not read a line that the poor woman had written
for
years, not for years. When she died, Henley-do you
know the rude, boi
sterous, windy, headstrong Henley?-
H
enley, as I say, said to me: "Have you read Kirsteen?" I
r
eplied that as a matter-of-fact-h'm-I had not read it.
Henley said, "That you should have any pretensions to in-
t
erest in literature and should dare to say that you have not
read Kirsteen!" I took my bludgeoning patiently and hum-
bly, my dear Arthur, went back and read it, and was at once
confirmed, after twenty pages, in my belief-I laboured
t~rough the book-that the p
oor soul had a simply [emi-
rune conception of literature, such slipshod, imperfect, halt-
in
g, faltering, peeping, down-at-heel work-buffeting along
like a ragged creature in a high wind, and just struggling
to the goal and falling in a quivering mass of faintness and
fatuity.
Surely to the trained ear there was never a finer
pass
age of picturesque prose in the making, prose
glowin
g in the melting-pot, ready to be poured out into
the m
old. He was soaked and saturated in the creation
and
criticism of literature: they permeated his being,
an organic part of it. Friends and literature were
his passions, and when he talked to a friend the most
trivial incid
ent must be dipped in style, as in Tyrian
dye
: he put what he wanted to say in a chiselled casket
of words
. One day he paid a call on a neighbour in
R
ye and he wished to tell us that when the door was
op
ened to his ring a black dog appeared on the thre-
shold
. But he could not bring himself to say "black dog,"
for that would have been a scarcely decent dishabille
for his information. "And from the dusky entry," he
said, "there emer
ged something black, something
canine."
And below that formal and entrancing talk
stirred the
spell of his geniality and benevolence, of
his absorbed inter
est in all the qualities, rich and poor,
of humanit
y. He disliked certain of these with singu-
lar intensity; anything
approaching rudeness or in-
quisitiveness was abhorrent to him, rou
sing in him
just such a sense o
f sickened pity as he felt for the work
of poor Mrs. Oliph
ant. On the other hand he treasured
and fondl
ed all that responded to his fastidious instincts
and to his affection.
"I am singularly accessible," he
wrote
, "to all demonstrations of regard." But an un-
friendly d
eed or word on the part of one whom he had
treated as
a friend was final.
One afternoon I played golf at Camber. Beyond the

links in those days extended the stretch of tussocked
dunes bordered b
y shining sands, which now is covere
with a confluent rash of small perky bungalows and
bathin
g-suits hung up to dry, and is resonant with
motor-c
ycles and loud speakers. He met us after our
game at the club-house and gave us tea, nebulously
interested in what we had been doing. "Some be-flagged
j
ampots, I understand, my dear Fred, let into the soil
at lon
g but varying distances. A swoop, a swing, a
f
lourish of steel, a dormy": and he wrote to Arthur
sayin
g that he thought I put golf too high among in-
t
ellectual pursuits. On other afternoons we walked very
s
lowly with frequent pauses for his salutations to his
fr
iends-a child, a station-master or a dog, for each of
whom he had some special word-through the cobbled
streets of th
e town and out on to the levels of the sheep-
grazed marsh, with th
e sky above enormous as at sea.
I do not think he took much notice of the aspects of
natur
e, he was scarcely more conscious of them than
i
s a man, deep in thought, of the comfort of the arm-
chair in whi
ch he sits. Nature, at any rate, only ap-
pealed to him fitfully,
as the cool water and the plane-
trees of the Il
yssus momentarily diverted the attention
of Soc
rates from his philosophy and his Phzedrus, till
at the end of their talk he invoked Pan and the deities
w
ho haunted the place to give him and his companion
in
ward beauty of soul. Of all men that I have ever met
he
was the most Socratic-his mind was always occupied
within on it
s own surmises and speculations. In the
middle of light superficial talk it withdrew itself into
d
epths of its own element, like a diving submarine.
Ju
st so did Socrates stand meditating throughout a win-
ter's night at Potidzea, unconscious of all but the philo-
sophical problem that engaged him.
He laughed but little, but he was as full of humour
as the packed portmanteau
"beautifully creaking." In
these dist
ant memories I recall his story of how on his
way
down to the High Street, he saw advancing towards
him a woman whom he knew that he knew, but whom
his ra
cked memory failed to identify. As they drew
fatally nearer each other, she made a bee-line for him
a
cros; the roadway, and, still unidentified, opened con-
versation
. "I've had the rest of it," she said, "made into
rissole
s." Recognition followed at once. "And then in
f
act," he said, "the cudgelling of my brain ceased, for
I recognised my own cook and knew that she was speak-
ing of the leg of lamb I had enjoyed roast on Monday
and cold on Tuesday."
Those few days at Rye scattered on the surface of
m
y mind seeds of desire, barren at present, but, so I
take it
, capable of sprouting should occasion give them
a chan
ce of growth. Rye has a spell, and I had been
touched
with it. Lamb House and its walled garden,
the cobbled streets with their Geo
rgian houses, and,
outside
, the marsh, the golf, the empty sea beaches
beckoned
, as by some secret gesture, with a promise
of ideal content. But a
young man of thirty, still very
experimental in his tastes, and full of an energy for
the due dispersion of which every day is too short,
does not aim at content nor indeed desire it, and I
did not
contemplate living there. I thought of it as one
thinks of
some little town through which the express
tr
ain passes, slowing down but not stopping, thus giv-
in
g to the observer from his window glimpses of red
roofs
and fruit trees in flower and a stream wandering
through meadows or broadening into a bathing-pool.


Monday, January 07, 2013

Comment on The Spirit of the Beehive

The Spirit of the Beehive was on TCM. I might have exhausted my ability to profitably wallow in ennui and isolation.... and Beehive would most benefit someone with a tolerance for little girls combined with a patience with others' reveries. Though I might find myself failing in both regards, I do like bees. 

from an IMDB review: "The imagination of childhood that has no idea yet whether the world is ordinary or extraordinary; the powerlessness of the child in the grip of tentative imaginings created out of fear and fascination, and drawn, if only by curiosity, towards a compelling but inexplicable fate, and yielding to it, only to find it chimerical."

Sunday, January 06, 2013

Agatha


Taking a break from the Roman Empire with a brisk Agatha Christie, 'Dead Man's Folly' where we are, again, having something which would seem evident hidden beneath a large, fashionable hat. Typically, she does something sly and unconventional as well, ignoring the murderers nearly entirely- leaving encounters with them out of the last third or even half of the book, and never confronting them, nor showing their reactions to being unmasked.
And after a long troop through "Pagans and Christians" I came across a Rex Stout Nero Wolfe mystery. My first/ his last "A Family Affair". Written in the 1970's, Watergate is mentioned with peculiar frequency as it is not even peripherally related to the plot. Also women's lib and women's libbers- in fact the limp clue to the mystery (the name of the murderer) is on a scrap of paper glued inside a copy of Betty Friedan's "The Feminine Mystique" again, entirely unrelated to anything. The motive is sketchy and unexplored "He was going to ruin me!" Wolfe himself is obdurate to the point of fossilizing on the page. Alexander Woollcott maintained that he was the model for Wolfe which Stout denied, and contemporary accounts never described Woollcott as laconic. Stout was a guest on the radio show at which Woollcott suffered his fatal heart attack. I'm not accusing anyone. But.

Sunday, December 30, 2012

Rousseau's Confessions

From Damrosch:



At the very time
that he struck observers as sadly lacking in self-knowledge, he was
achieving a profoundly original self-analysis whose influence has been
enormous. The Confessions are at once the record of a life, a recreation
of its meaning, and an imaginative space in which the author found re-
lief by recovering what it felt like to be his earlier self. "It's the past," he
wrote at Wootton, "that makes the present bearable."

During the years in Motiers, Rousseau had become aware that others
were discussing details of his life. He received a long anonymous letter
from Geneva that referred to his father's stay in Constantinople and ex-
ile after a street quarrel, his own time at Bossey with the Lamberciers,
his apprenticeship to "a brutal, barbarous master," his flight from Ge-
neva and refuge with la folie de Varrens in Annecy, and his ostentatious
display of feeding "numerous schools of fishes" during his visit in 1754·
Later The Sentiment of the Citizens gave its viciously slanted account of
Rousseau's recent life. He assumed that the information in it came from
Mme d'Epinay (some of it undoubtedly did), and he vowed to clear his
name as well as to exact revenge by giving his own recollections of her
and other ex-friends. Like Augustine, from whom he borrowed his title
(though he never mentions the earlier Confessions), he would acknowl-
edge his sins, but unlike Augustine he would also prove his essential
goodness.

The influence of the Confessions has been so pervasive that it is hard
today to appreciate how original the book really was. To trace formative
experiences, and in particular to take childhood experience seriously,
was virtually unheard-of in Rousseau's day. A few earlier writers had
recounted occasional anecdotes of childhood, but compared with the
Confessions these were thin and unrevealing. When Voltaire drafted an
autobiographical sketch at the end of his long life, he dismissed his early
years with the comment, "Nothing is more insipid than the details of in-
fancy and the time spent at school." As for Diderot, his biographer says
that he was "almost intentionally inscrutable" about his first thirty years
and that he pitied the state of childhood for its helplessness and igno-
rance. When he did mention his early days, it was to congratulate him-
self on precocious brilliance, not to disclose errors and humiliations.
"One of the sweetest moments of my life - it happened more than
thirty years ago and I remember it as though it were yesterday - was
when my father saw me coming home from school with my arms full of
prizes I had won and my shoulders loaded with crowns they had given
me that were too big for my brow and had slipped down over my head
... From the farthest distance that he saw me, he dropped his work,
came to the door, and burst into tears."

Rousseau was well aware that the story of a working-class boy strug-
gling to find himself was in itself unusual. "Many readers will be pre-
vented from continuing by this sole idea. They can't conceive that a
man who needs bread could be worthy of their acquaintance." But that
was the whole point: it was his unusual history that had allowed him to
develop into a challenging and original thinker. However, his outsider
role also explained why people found it so hard to understand him even
after he acquired fame. He had always had a sense of being misunder-
stood, even as a child, and becoming a writer was at first a way of com-
pensating for it. "The course I have chosen," he acknowledged in the
Confessions, "to write and to conceal myself, is precisely the one that has
suited me." But the concealment was all too successful, and he was dis-
covering just how deeply his self-image was threatened by other peo-
ple's perceptions. George Eliot asks, "Who can know how much of his
most inward life is made up of the thoughts he believes other men to
have about him, until that fabric of opinion is threatened by ruin?"
Rousseau's English disaster was a classic illustration of that. So now he
proposed to reveal everything. "I must keep myself constantly before
the reader's eyes, so that he can follow me in all the aberrations of my
heart and all the recesses of my life."

By addressing the reading public rather than the deity, as Augustine
had done, Rousseau was inaugurating a modern confessional mode in
which private secrets are exposed to the largest possible audience. At the
very beginning of the Confessions, indeed, he exclaims with ringing elo-
quence that he is certain God will forgive him:

Let the trumpet of the Last Judgment sound when it likes; 1 will
present myself with this book in hand before the sovereign judge ...
Eternal Being, assemble around me the numberless throng of my
semblables; let them hear my confessions, let them groan at my dis-
graceful actions, let them blush at my wretchedness. But let each of
them reveal his heart with the same sincerity at the foot of your
throne, and then let a single one say, if he dares, "I was better than
that man."
The throng are the readers who had bought Rousseau's books and pre-
sumed to stand in judgment, and he demands that they follow his ex-
ample in telling the truth about their own faults.

It might well seem that such a procedure was no confession at all.

Grimm rather snidely remarked, "If Monsieur Rousseau were ever to
become pope, he would delete penitence from the list of the seven sacra-
ments," and another writer saw even the most shaming revelations as
self-serving: "He seems to have formed the plan of depicting himself in
the mire in order to show that he escaped from it. There is a kind of
vanity in saying, 'I was nothing and 1 became famous; 1 was a liar and I
chose the motto vitam impendere vero.'" As Blake trenchantly put it long
afterward, "The book written by Rousseau called his Confessions is an
apology and cloak for his sin and not a confession." But even if Rous-
seau denied other people's right to judge him, he never stopped judg-
ing himself. Un appeasable guilt for actions long past - the abandoned
children, the stolen ribbon -lay at the heart of the Confessions. Rous-
seau got rid of original sin and held that man is naturally good, but
much of his own behavior remained bafflingly bad, and when he set out
to penetrate the inner darkness he invented modern autobiography. He
probably believed at first that by reviewing his life he could explain
clearly who he was and why. But the more he probed his recollections,
the more he was brought to a halt by incidents that made no sense and
yet seemed profoundly significant. And although he was convinced that
he possessed an essential integrity to which he must be true, he was
forced to acknowledge, as he says when narrating his encounter with
Mme de Larnage during the journey to Montpellier, "There are times
when 1 seem so little like myself that one would take me for another
man of completely opposite character."

Montaigne, Rousseau's great predecessor in self-analysis, pursued an
intellectual quest, with a genial skepticism and the motto Que sais-je,
"What do I know?" Rousseau's quest was more visceral, as Trousson
says: "the anguished and contradictory 'Who am I?' of modern con-
sciousness." Pondering the strange vicissitudes of his life, Rousseau
came to believe that he was most himself when he was acting most
unpredictably. He repeatedly tells of moments that he describes with
words like "caprice," "intoxication," "extravagance," "delirium," and
"madness," moments that are pressure points in what Marcel Raymond
calls "a psychology of rupture and discontinuity." Instead of singling
out typical episodes, he focuses on atypical ones, strange and unsettling
occasions when he seemed to act totally out of character and yet was
profoundly himself. It is as if his true and deepest self is released by
these ruptures, like volcanic vents.

There is a double perspective throughout the Confessions, and the
tension between the two angles of vision gives it a kind of stereoscopic
depth. On the one hand, Rousseau never abandoned his conviction of a
fundamental core of self. But on the other hand, he understood that the
self is profoundly shaped by life experiences. To probe the ones that
seemed most hauntingly peculiar became his method for finding out
who he was, and in seeking to detect hidden patterns in them he was
starting out on a path that would lead eventually to psychoanalysis.




From Julian by Gore Vidal


 Admittedly their worship of corpses did not appeal to
him, but he was later to find manifestations of "the One'
in even odder places. Had Julian been what he thought b
was-a philosopher in the tradition of Plato-One might haw
understood his dislike of the Christian nonsense. He would
have been like you and me. But Julian was concerned
finally, with the idea of personal immortality, the one obsession
Christians share with those who are drawn to the old mystery cults.

Despite everything Julian wrote on the subject, I have never
understood precisely why he turned against the religion of
his family. After all, Christianity offered him nearly everything
he needed. If he wanted to partake symbolically of the bod
of a god, why not remain with the Christians and eat their
bread and drink their wine instead of reverting to the bread
and wine of Mithras? It is not as if there was anything lacking
in Christianity. The Christians have slyly incorporated mos
of the popular elements of Mithras and Demeter and Dionysos'
into their own rites. Modem Christianity is an encyclopedi
of traditional superstition.
I suspect the origin of Julian's disaffection is in his family.

Constantius was a passionate Christian, absorbed by doctrinal
disputes. With, good reason, Julian' hated Constantius.
Therefore, he hated Christianity. This puts the matter f
too simply, yet I always tend to the obvious view of things since
it is usually the correct one, though of course one can never,
get to the bottom of anything so mysterious as another man's
character, and there is a mystery here.

Julian was Christian in everything except his tolerance of
others. He was what the Christians would call a saint. Yet
he swung fiercely away from the one religion which suited'
him perfectly, preferring its eclectic origins, which he then
tried to systematize into a new combination quite as ridiculous
as the synthesis he had rejected. It is a strange business and
there is no satisfactory explanation for Julian's behavior. Of
course he claimed that Bishop George's partisanship disgust,
him as a boy, and that Porphyry and Plotinus opened his:
eyes to the absurdity of Christian claims. Well and good. But
then why turn to something equally absurd? Granted, no
educated man can accept the idea of a Jewish rebel as god.
But having rejected that myth, how can one then believe that
the Persian hero-god Mithras wasbom of light striking rock,
on December 25th, with shepherds watching his birth?
am told that the Christians have just added those shepherd
to the birth of Jesus.) Or that Mithras lived in a fig tree which
fed and clothed him, that he fought with the sun's first
creation, the bull, that he was dragged by it (thus symbolizing'
man's suffering) until the bull escaped; finally, at the command
of the sun god, Mithras stabs the bull with a knife and from
the beast's body come flowers, herbs, wheat; from the blood,
wine; from the seed, the first man and woman. Then Mithras
is called up to heaven, after celebrating a sacramental last
supper. Time's end will be a day of judgment when all will
rise from their graves and evil will be destroyed while
the good will live forever in the light of the sun.
Between the Mithraic story and its Christian sequel I
see no essential difference. Admittedly, the Mithraic code of
conduct is more admirable than the Christian. Mithraists
believe that right action is better than contemplation. They
favor old-fashioned virtues like courage and self-restraint.
They were the first to teach that strength is gentleness. All
of this is rather better than the Christian hysteria which
vacillates between murder of heretics on the one hand and
a cringing rejection of this world on the other. Nor can a
Mithraist be absolved of sin by a sprinkle of water. Ethically,
I find Mithras the best of all the mystery cults. But it is absurd
to say it is any more "true" than its competitors. When one
becomes absolute about myth and magic, the result can only
be madness.
Julian speaks continually of his love of Hellenism. He
honestly believed he loved Plato and reasonable discourse.
Actually, what he craved was what so many desire in this
falling time: assurance of personal immortality. He chose
to reject the Christian way for reasons which I find obscure,
while settling on an equal absurdity. Of course I am sym-
pathetic to him. He dealt the Christians some good blows and
that delighted me. But I cannot sympathize with his fear of
extinction. Why is it so important to continue after death? We
never question the demonstrable fact that before birth we did
not exist, so why should we fear becoming once more what
we were to begin with? I am in no ,hurry to depart. But I
look on nothing as just that: no thing. How can one fear no
thing?
As for the various ceremonies and trials the Mithraic initiate
must undergo, the less said the better. I understand that one
of the twelve tortures is the pulling out one by one of the pubic
hairs, a most spiritual discipline. I was told that part
of the ceremonies are conducted while everyone is roaring
drunk and trying to jump over ditches blindfolded, a symbol
no doubt of the bewildering life of the flesh. But men are
impressed by secret rites, the more gruesome and repellent the
better. How sad we are, how terrified to be men!

Libanius: It is not often one finds a philosopher so entirely
lacking in the religious sense. It is like being born unable to
perceive colors which are plain to everyone else.

Wednesday, December 26, 2012

on Rousseau


what was truly original
was his claim that each person has a unique temperament that
needs freedom to flourish. His concern was not with methods of instruction
but with its purpose. Plenty of writers had criticized the
mindless memorization and brutal discipline of conventional teaching.
The historian Gibbon, for example, wrote bitterly, "A school is the cavern
of fear and sorrow. The mobility of the captive youths is chained to
a book and a desk ... They labor, like the soldiers of Persia, under the
scourge." But the usual solution was only palliative, recommending reforms
whose goal was still to produce docile members of society. John
Locke in his influential Thoughts Concerning Education stressed the
malleability of young minds, which resembled "white paper or wax, to
be molded and fashioned as one pleases," and he placed heavy emphasis
on discipline. "Those that intend ever to govern their children should
begin it whilst they are very little, and look that they perfectly comply
with the will of their parents. Would you have your son obedient to you
when past a child? Be sure then to establish the authority of a father as
soon as he is capable of submission, and can understand in whose power
he is." Recommendations like these seemed self-evidently correct not
just to conservatives but to progressive thinkers too, including Mme
d'Epinay, who wrote a didactic treatise of her own called Letters to My
Son, in which she argued for rigorous discipline.
In Rousseau's view it was a disastrous mistake to teach children to
fear authority. He held that the only power they should face was brute
necessity, the obstacles to freedom that are inherent in the very nature of
things. They would then choose their actions because they understood
what needed to be done, not to please adults or to escape punishment.
Locke recommended influencing children by alternating doses of "esteem
and disgrace," but Rousseau wanted to protect his imaginary child
from the pressure of other people's expectations. His intention was to
show how a person might prepare for life in society without sacrificing
integrity, "seeing with his own eyes, feeling with his own heart, and
governed by no authority except his own reason." In another formulation,
"He is a savage made to live in cities"; or again, "He is not the man
of man but the man of nature."
As for the usual content of education, Rousseau held that it was
worth having but was not an end in itself, and he challenged conventional
pedagogy with insights that have been renewed and forgotten by
every subsequent educational estabiishment. Like Socrates, he believed
that true knowledge flowed from asking questions, not from memorizing
answers. "I am teaching my pupil an art that is very long, very painful,
and assuredly not what your pupils have, the art of being ignorant
... You impart knowledge, well and good; I am concerned with the
means of acquiring it." Underlying the entire work was the insight that
had burst upon Rousseau on the road to Vincennes. As he ringingly declared
at the beginning of Emile - all of his books are remarkable for
memorable opening sentences - "Everything is good as it comes from
the hands of the author of things; everything degenerates in the hands
of man."
Years after Emile became a success, Rousseau restated his position
more fully: "This book ... is simply a treatise on the natural goodness of
man intended to show how vice and error , are foreign to his constitution,
invade it from outside, and imperceptibly alter it." Traditional religious
teaching held that each person enters the world already infected
by sin and needs to be forcibly shaped into a moral agent. Enlightenment
theory held that each person enters the world a blank slate-
Locke's famous tabula rasa - waiting to be written on by sensory experience
and by parents and teachers. Rousseau believed that each person
enters the world with a disposition that needs to grow according to its
own nature. The child has much to learn, but only if he learns it in his
own way, and most of what usually passes for education is counterproductive.
"Dare I expound the greatest, most important, and most useful
rule in all of education? It is not to gain time but to lose it."
Most compelling of all in Emile is the deep note of sadness over the
waste in life and the insistence that education shouldn't make it worse.
"How rapidly.we pass our time on this earth!" Rousseau exclaims. "The
first quarter of life flows away before we know what to do with it, and
the last quarter after we have ceased to enjoy it. At first we don't know
how to live, soon we're no longer able to, and in the space that separates
these two useless extremes, three-quarters of our time is consumed by
sleep, labor, pain, constraint, and distress of every kind. Life is short, not
so much because it lasts such a short time as because we have almost
none of that time to enjoy it." Close to half of the children born in the
eighteenth century died before reaching adulthood, and their all too
brief existence was being poisoned by needless constraint and beatings
(a tutor in Fielding's Tom Jones is expressively named Thwackum).
"Even ifI were to suppose that this education had reasonable objectives,
how can one see without indignation the poor unfortunates subjected to
an intolerable yoke and condemned to continual labor like galley slaves,
with no assurance that so much effort will ever do them any good? The
age of gaiety goes by amidst tears, punishments, threats, and slavery."
To encourage Emile to think for himself, the tutor presents him with
a series of covertly orchestrated challenges. When he figures out how
to grow beans, he is in raptures over his achievement, but is thunderstruck
afterward when the family gardener rudely wrecks hishandiwork.
Robert, the gardener, then explains that when Emile was digging
he unknowingly ruined a crop of melons, and from this blunder he
learns the value of private property. The point is that children need to
grasp ethical principles through concrete experience, something very
different from memorizing verbal formulas. "It is easy to put into their
mouths words such as kings, empires, wars, conquests, revolutions, and
laws, but when it becomes a question of attaching distinct ideas to these
words, it will be a long distance from the conversation with Robert the
gardener to all of these explanations."
On another occasion Emile is astounded when a conjurer gets a
floating wax duck to follow a piece of bread in his hand. After he returns
home, the tutor helps him make a duck of his own and explains
the mystery by demonstrating what happens if a magnet is hidden inside.
There must have been a magnet in the duck and a piece of metal in
the bread. Swollen with pride at his own cleverness, Emile hurries back
to the conjurer, whom he publicly embarrasses by duplicating the trick
with some bread of his own that contains metal. "The boy cries out and
shivers with pleasure. The clapping and acclamation of the crowd make
him dizzy and he is beside himself." But the lesson is not over. The next
time Emile shows up, the duck inexplicably recoils from his bread, but
responds with alacrity to the conjurer's bare hand and even to the sound
of his voice. The crowd jeers, and Emile returns home baffled and humiliated.
Invited by the tutor, the conjurer drops by to explain how it
was done: he had an accomplice hidden under the table with a powerful
magnet of his own. The experience teaches Emile "how many mortifying
consequences are attracted by the first movement of vanity," and he
has thus learned two things at once, the principle of magnetism and the
principle that pride goes before a fall.
When Emile learns to reason, then, it is in the context of immediate
self-interest. Whereas writers on education normally thought of children
as rational beings, Rousseau put emotions first, suggesting that the
age of nature lasted until the age of twelve and that the age of reason
did not begin until then. Since children are necessarily self-centered,
they keep on pushing until they get what they want, and they need to
learn that limits are imposed by existence itself, not just by the arbitrary
decrees of adults. Rousseau describes another boy, more willful than
Emile, who would insist on going for walks whenever it was most inconvenient
for his tutor. The solution was to let him go off by himself,
whereupon he got lost, was jeered at by passersby, and became seriously
scared. An accomplice of the tutor's, following to make sure the boy
came to no harm, then brought him home chastened and repentant.
Such a scenario is obviously manipulative, especially when Rousseau
adds that the neighbors had all been coached to play their parts. At
times the tutor's satisfaction at his power almost deserves to be called sadism;
Starobinski does call it that. But manipulativeness is the point.
Growing up in society, no one can possibly live as a natural man, and
the tutor's role is to create artificial situations in which Emile will develop
properly without realizing it, just as the servants at Clarens believe
they are following their own wishes when they carry out Wolmar's.



Sunday, October 14, 2012

Sunday, September 23, 2012

The Razor's Edge

“I have found myself in the course of my life in many strange situations… I have ridden a pony through Central Asia along the road that Marco Polo took to reach the fabulous lands of Cathay; I have drunk a glass of Russian tea in a prim parlour in Petrograd while a soft-spoken little man in a black coat and striped trousers told me how he had assassinated a grand duke. I have sat in a drawing room in Westminster and listened to the serene geniality of a piano trio of Haydn’s while the bombs were crashing without; but I do not think I have ever found myself in a stranger situation than when I sat on the red-plush seats of that garish restaurant for hour after hour while Larry talked of God and eternity, of the Absolute and the weary wheel of endless becoming.”
“I suppose it was the end of the world for her when her husband and her baby were killed. I suppose she didn't care what became of her and flung herself into the horrible degradation of drink and promiscuous copulation to get even with life that had treated her so cruelly. She'd lived in heaven and when she lost it she couldn't put up with the common earth of common men, but in despair plunged headlong into hell. I can imagine that if she couldn't drink the nectar of the gods any more she thought she might as well drink bathroom gin.'

That's the sort of thing you say in novels. It's nonsense and you know it's nonsense. Sophie wallows in the gutter because she likes it. Other women have lost their husbands and children. It wasn't that that made her evil. Evil doesn't spring from good. The evil was there always. When that motor accident broke her defences it set her free to be herself. Don't waste your pity on her, she's now what at heart she always was.” 

***
“It is very difficult to know people and I don't think one can ever really know any but one's own countrymen. For men and women are not only themselves; they are also the region in which they are born, the city apartment or the farm in which they learnt to walk, the games they played as children, the old wives' tales they overheard, the food they ate, the schools they attended, the sports they followed, the poets they read, and the God they believed in. It is all these things that have made them what they are, and these are the things that you can't come to know by hearsay, you can only know them if you have lived them.” 

***
“When he sacrifices himself man for a moment is greater than God, for how can God, infinite and omnipotent, sacrifice himself?” 

***
“Refecting on the high divorce rate in America as contrasted with England "American women expect to find in their husbands a perfection that English women only hope to find in their butlers” 

****
“Just as the embryo recapitulates in brief the evolution of the species, so did Suzanne recapitulate all the styles of her lovers.



Mrs. Gaskell's Cranford

“When oranges came in, a curious proceeding was gone through. Miss Jenkyns did not like to cut the fruit, for, as she observed, the juice all ran out nobody knew where, sucking [only I think she used some more recondite word] was in fact the only way of enjoying oranges; but then there was the unpleasant association with a ceremony frequently gone through by little babies; and so, after dessert, in orange season, Miss Jenkyns and Miss Matty used to rise up, possess themselves each of an orange in silence, and withdraw to the privacy of their own rooms to indulge in sucking oranges.”

From Gibbon

The policy of the emperors and the senate, as far as it concerned religion, was happily seconded by the reflections of the enlightened, and by the habits of the superstitious, part of their subjects. The various modes of worship, which prevailed in the Roman world, were all considered by the people, as equally true; by the philosopher, as equally false; and by the magistrate, as equally useful. And thus toleration produced not only mutual indulgence, but even religious concord.
Of the people.
The superstition of the people was not embittered by any mixture of theological rancour; nor was it confined by the chains of any speculative system. The devout polytheist, though fondly attached to his national rites, admitted with implicit faith the different religions of the earth. (3) Fear, gratitude, and curiosity, a dream or an omen, a singular disorder, or a distant journey, perpetually disposed him to multiply the articles of his belief, and to enlarge the list of his protectors. The thin texture of the Pagan mythology was interwoven with various but not discordant materials. As soon as it was allowed that sages and heroes, who had lived, or who had died for the benefit of their country, were exalted to a state of power and immortality, it was universally confessed that they deserved if not the adoration, at least the reverence of all mankind. The deities of a thousand groves and a thousand streams possessed, in peace, their local and respective influence; nor could the Roman who deprecated the wrath of the Tiber, deride the Egyptian who presented his offering to the beneficent genius of the Nile. The visible powers of Nature, the planets, and the elements, were the same throughout the universe. The invisible governors of the moral world were inevitably cast in a similar mould of fiction and allegory. Every virtue, and even vice, acquired its divine representative; every art and profession its patron, whose attributes, in the most distant ages and countries, were uniformly derived from the character of their peculiar votaries. A republic of gods of such opposite tempers and interest required, in every system, the moderating hand of a supreme magistrate, who, by the progress of knowledge and flattery, was gradually invested with the sublime perfections of an Eternal Parent, and an Omnipotent Monarch. (4) Such was the mild spirit of antiquity, that the nations were less attentive to the difference than to the resemblance of their religious worship. The Greek, the Roman, and the Barbarian, as they met before their respective altars, easily persuaded themselves, that under various names, and with various ceremonies, they adored the same deities. The elegant mythology of Homer gave a beautiful, and almost a regular form, to the polytheism of the ancient world. (5)
Of philosophers.
The philosophers of Greece deduced their morals from the nature of man, rather than from that of God. They meditated, however, on the Divine Nature, as a very curious and important speculation; and in the profound inquiry, they displayed the strength and weakness of the human understanding (6). Of the four most celebrated schools, the Stoics and the Platonists endeavoured to reconcile the jarring interests of reason and piety. They have left us the most sublime proofs of the existence and perfections of the first cause; but, as it was impossible for them to conceive the creation of matter, the workman in the Stoic philosophy was not sufficiently distinguished from the work; whilst, on the contrary, the spiritual God of Plato and his disciples resembled an idea rather than a substance. The opinions of the Academics and Epicureans were of a less religious cast; but whilst the modest science of the former induced them to doubt, the positive ignorance of the latter urged them to deny, the providence of a Supreme Ruler. The spirit of inquiry, prompted by emulation, and supported by freedom, had divided the public teachers of philosophy into a variety of contending sects; but the ingenuous youth who, from every part, resorted to Athens, and the other seats of learning in the Roman empire, were alike instructed in every school to reject and to despise the religion of the multitude. How, indeed, was it possible, that a philosopher should accept, as divine truths, the idle tales of the poets, and the incoherent traditions of antiquity; or, that he should adore, as gods, those imperfect beings whom he must have despised, as men ! Against such unworthy adversaries, Cicero condescended to employ the arms of reason and eloquence; but the satire of Lucian was a much more adequate, as well as more efficacious weapon. We may be well assured, that a writer conversant with the world would never have ventured to expose the gods of his country to public ridicule, had they not already been the objects of secret contempt among the polished and enlightened orders of society. (7) Notwithstanding the fashionable irreligion which prevailed in the age of the Antonines, both the interests of the priests and the credulity of the people were sufficiently respected. In their writings and conversation, the philosophers of antiquity asserted the independent dignity of reason; but they resigned their actions to the commands of law and of custom. Viewing, with a smile of pity and indulgence, the various errors of the vulgar, they diligently practised the ceremonies of their fathers, devoutly frequented the temples of the gods; and sometimes condescending to act a part on the theatre of superstition, they concealed the sentiments of an Atheist under the sacerdotal robes. Reasoners of such a temper were scarcely inclined to wrangle about their respective modes of faith, or of worship. It was indifferent to them what shape the folly of the multitude might choose to assume; and they approached, with the same inward contempt, and the same external reverence, the altars of the Libyan, the Olympian, or the Capitoline Jupiter. (8)
Of the magistrate.