Wednesday, August 14, 2013
On the city of Rome from Rubicon
So
it was that smoke from sacrifices to the gods continued to rise
above the seven hills, just as it had done back
in far-off times, when
trees ‘of every kind’ had completely covered one
of the hills, the
Aventine." Forests had long since vanished
from Rome, and if the
city’s altars still sent smoke wreathing into
the sky, then so too did
a countless multitude of hearth-fires, furnaces
and workshops. Long
before the city itself could be seen, a distant
haze of brown would
forewarn the traveller that he was nearing the
great city. Nor was
smog the only sign. Nearby towns with celebrated
names, rivals of
the Republic backlin the archaic past, now stood
deserted, shrunk to
a few scattered inns, emptied by Rome’s
gravitational pull.
As the traveller continued onwards, however, he
would find the
roadside lined with more recent settlements.
Unable to accommo-
date a burgeoning population, Rome was starting
to burst at the
seams. Shanty-towns stretched along all the
great trunk-roads. The
dead were sheltered here as well, and the
necropolises that
stretched towards the coast and the south, along
the great Appian
Way, were notorious for muggers and cut-rate
whores. All the
same, not every tomb had been left to crumble.
As the traveller
approached Rome’s gates he might occasionally
find the stench
from the city ameliorated by myrrh or cassia,
the perfumes of
death, borne to him on the breeze from a
cypress-shaded tomb.
Such a moment, the sense of a communion with the
past, was a
common one in Rome. Yet just as the stillness of
a cemetery shel-
tered violence and prostitution, so not even the
most hallowed and
timeless of spots were immune to defacement.
Admonitory notices
were always being posted on tombs, prohibiting
electioneering slo-
gans, but still the graffiti would appear. In
Rome, seat of the
Republic, politics was a contagion. Only in
conquered cities were
elections an irrelevance. Rome, having neutered
political life in
other societies, was now supreme as the world’s
theatre of ambi-
tions and dreams.
The Paradoxical Republic 15
Not even the graffiti—ravaged tombs, however,
could prepare a
traveller for the bedlam beyond the city gates.
The streets of Rome
had never had any kind of planning imposed upon
them. That
would have taken a design-minded despot, and
Roman magistrates
rarely had more than a single year in office at a
time. As a result, the
City had grown chaotically, at the whim of
unmanageable impulses
and needs. Stray off one of Rome’s two grand
thoroughfares, the via
Sacra and the via Nova, and a visitor would soon
be adding to the
hopeless congestion. ‘A contractor hurries by,
all hot and sweaty,
with his mules and porters, stone and timber
tvsdsts on the rope of
a giant crane, funeral mourners compete for
space with well-built
carts, there scurries a mad dog, here a sow
who’s been wallowing in
mud?” Caught up on this swirl, a traveller was
almost bound to
end up lost. 4
Even citizens found their city confusing. The
only way to nego-
tiate it was to memorise notable landmarks: a
fig-tree, perhaps, or a
market’s colonnade, or, best of all, a temple
large enough to 100111
above the maze of narrow streets. Fortunately,
Rome was a devout
city, and temples abounded. The Romans’
reverence for the past
meant that ancient structures were hardly ever
demolished, not
even when the open spaces in which they might
once have SI00d
had long since vanished under brick. Temples
loomed over slums or
meat markets, they sheltered veiled statues
whose very identities
might have been forgotten, and yet no one ever
thought to demol-
ish them. These fragments of an archaic past
preserved in SIOHC,
fossils from the earliest days of the city,
provided the Romans with
a desperately needed sense of bearing. Eternal,
like the gods whose
spirits pervaded them, they stood like anchors
dropped in a storm.
Meanwhile, on all sides, amid a din of
hammering, rumbling
wagon wheels and crashing rubble, the city was
endlessly being
rebuilt, torn down and rebuilt again. Developers
were always look-
ing for ways to squeeze in extra space, and squeeze
out extra profit.
Shanties
sprouted like weeds from the rubble left by fires. Despite
the best efforts of responsible magistrates to
keep streets clear, they
were always filling with market stalls or
squatters’ shacks. Most
profitably of all, in a city long constricted by
her ancient walls,
developers had begun to aim for the sky.
Apartment blocks were
springing up everywhere. Throughout the second
and first cen-
turies BC landlords would compete with one
another to raise them
ever higher, a development frowned on by the
law, since tenements
were notoriously jerry-built and rickety. In
general, however, safety
regulations were too weakly imposed to inhibit
the splendid oppor-
tunities for profiteering that a high-rise slum
presented. Over six
storeys or more, tenants could be crammed
intotiny, thin-walled
rooms, until invariably the building would
collapse, only to be
flung up again even higher than before.
In Latin these apartment blocks were known as
insulae, or
‘islands’ — a suggestive word, reflecting the
way in which they stood
apart from the sea of life down on the streets.
Here was where alien-
ation bred by the vastness of the city was most
distressingly felt. To
those dossing in the insulae, rootlessness was
more than just a
metaphor. Even on the ground floors the insulae
usually lacked
drains or fresh water. Yet sewers and aqueducts
were precisely what
the Romans would boast about when they wanted to
laud their
city, comparing the practical value of their
public works with the
useless extravagances of the Greeks. The Cloaca
Makima, Rome’s
monstrous central drain, had provided the city
with its gut since
before the foundation of the Republic itself.
The aqueducts, built
with plunder from the East, were an equally
spectacular demon-
stration of the Romans’ commitment to communal
living.
Stretching for up to thirty-five miles, they
brought cool mountain
water into the heart of the city. Even Greeks
might on occasion
admit to being impressed. ‘The aqueducts convey
such volumes
that the water flows like rivers,’ wrote one geographer.
‘There is
The Paradoxical Republic 17
barely a house in Rome which doesn’t have a
cistern, a service-pipe
or a gushing fountain.“ Evidently, the slums had
not been on his
tOLll'.
In truth, nothing better illustrated the
ambiguities of Rome
than the fact that she was at once both the
cleanest and the filthi—
est of cities. Ordure as well as water flowed
through her streets. If
the noblest and most enduring virtues of the
Republic found their
expression in the murmuring of a public
fountain, then its horrors
were exemplified by filth. Citizens who dropped
out of the obstacle
race that was every Roman’s life risked having
shit - literally —
dumped on their heads. Plebs sordida, they were
called — ‘the great
unwashed’. Periodically, waste from the insulae
would be wheeled
out in barrows to fertilise gardens beyond the
city walls, but there
was always too much of it, urine sloshing over
the rims of fullers’
jars, mounds of excrement submerging the
streets. In death, the
poor themselves would be subsumed into waste.
Not for them the
dignity of a tomb beside the Appian Way. Instead
their carcasses
would be tossed with all the other refuse into
giant pits beyond the
easternmost city gate, the Esquiline. Travellers
approaching Rome
by this route would see bones littering the
sides of the road. It was
a cursed and dreadful spot, the haunt of
witches, who were said to
strip flesh from the corpses and summon the naked
spectres of the
dead from their mass graves. In Rome the
indignities of failure
could outlive life itself. I ‘
Degradation on such a scale was something new in
the world.
The suffering of the urban poor was all the more
terrible because,
by depriving them of the solaces of community,
it denied them
everything that made a Roman what he was. The
loneliness of life
on the top floor of an apartment block
represented the antithesis of
all that a citizen most prized. To be cut off
from the rituals and
rhythms of society was to sink to the level of a
barbarian. To its own
citizens, as to its enemies, the Republic was
unyielding. It gave up
on
those who gave up on it. And after abandoning them, in the 1
it had them swept out with the trash.
T It was no wonder that life in Rome should have
been a
struggle to avoid such a fate. Community was
cherished
it was found. The potential anonymity of
big-city life was not
conquering. Vast and formless though the
metropolis appeared,
there were patterns of order defying its chaos.
Temples were not the
only repositories of the divine. Crossroads,
too, were believed to be
charged with spiritual energy. Shadowy gods, the
Lares, watched
over the intersection of all the city’s high
streets. These streets, the
vici, were so significant as a focus for
community life thatthe
Romans used the same word to describe an entire
urban quarter.
Every Ianuary, at the festival of the
Compitalia, inhabitants of a
vicus would hold a great public feast. Woollen
dolls would be hung
beside the shrine of the Lares, one for every
free man and woman in
the quarter, and a ball for every slave. This
relative egalitarianism
was reflected in the trade associations that were
also centred on
the vicus, and were open to everyone: citizen,
freedman and slave
alike. It was in these associations, the
cvllegia, rather than on the
broader stage of the city, that most citizens
sought to win that uni-
versal goal of a Roman — prestige. In a vicus a
citizen could know his
fellows, sit down to supper with them, join in
festivities throughout
the year, and live confident that mourners would
attend his
funeral. In a patchwork of communities across
the metropolis, the
intimacies of traditional small—town life still
endured.
None of which calmed the suspicions of
outsiders. Walk down a
main street, and the snarl of narrow back alleys
twisting off it might
appear dark with menace, the air heavy with the
stench of
unwashed bodies, and trade. To refined nostrils,
both were equally
noxious. Fears that the collegia served as
covers for organised crime
combined readily with the upper classes’
instinctive contempt for
anyone obliged to earn his keep. The very idea
of paid work inspired
The Paradoxical Republic 19
Par0xy51'1‘1S of snobbery. It affronted all the
homespun peasant
Values in which wealthy moralists, lounging
comfortably in their
villas, affected to believe. Their scorn for
‘the mob’ was unvarying.
It @n'1bI'8.CCCl not only the wretches starving
on the streets or
crammed into insulae, but also traders,
shopkeepers and Craftsmen-
‘Necessity’, it was assumed, ‘made every poor
man dishonest)“
gugh contempt - unsurprisingly — was much
resented by those
who were its object.* Plebs was a word never
spoken by a nobleman
without a curling of the lip, but the plebs
themselves took a certain
pride in it. A description once spat as an
insult had become a badge
of identity, and in Rome such badges were always
highly prized.
Like other fundamentals of Roman life, divisions
of class and
status were deep rooted in the myths of the
city’s very origin. On
the far side of Rome’s southernmost valley
stretched the Aventine
Hill. This was where immigrants would invariably
end up, the port
of disembarkation possessed by all great cities,
an flfefl W116!‘ 6 new
arrivals congregate by instinct, drawn to one
another’s company
and shared confusion. Facing the Aventine rose a
second hill. There
were no shanty-towns to be found on the
Palatine. Hills in Rome
tended to be exclusive. Above the valleys the
air was fresher, less
pestilential —— and therefore cost more to
breathe. Of all Rome’s
seven hills, however, the Palatine was the most
exclusive by far.
Here the city’s elite chose to cluster. Only the
very, very rich could
afford the prices. Yet, incongruously, there on
the world’s most
expensive real estate stood a shepherd’s hut
made of reeds. The
reeds might dry and fall away, but they would
always be replaced, so
that the hut never seemed to alter. It was the
ultimate triumph of
Roman conservationism —- the childhood home of
Romulus,
Rome’s first king, and Remus, his twin.
* Iudging from funerary inscriptions — the only
written evidence that has
survived.
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